Money Laundering Bulletin
1) Detailed
lists of terrorist groups and financiers have been published by the
Counter Extremism Project and Intelligence Online.
The
five month-long diplomatic
and commercial dispute between Qatar and the so-called ‘anti-terror
quartet - ATQ’ of Saudi Arabia, the Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, the
United Arab
Emirates (UAE) and Egypt -
revolves around Doha’s alleged financial support for terrorist
groups. Evidence of such financing has been drawn up by both sides,
with Qatar claiming its opponents have pushed money into the hands of
terror groups. But as the Gulf impasse
persists, it is Qatar
that’s under the spotlight reports
Paul Cochrane from Beirut.
The
ATQ
cut diplomatic, transport and trade ties with Qatar in June (2017),
accusing the small, yet incredibly wealthy, Gulf state of financing
terrorism. While Doha denies the accusations, there are strong
grounds for the Q uartet’s
claims, say analysts.
“The
ATQ has assembled many files and other evidence of Qatari support for
terror groups, ranging from the Muslim Brotherhood and affiliates to
Al Qaeda, as well as Iran as a state sponsor of terror,” said Dr
Theodore Karasik, a senior advisor to Gulf State Analytics, a
Washington DC-based consultancy. (1)
The
ATQ has also complained that Qatar hosts the Afghanistan Taliban,
which operates an office in Doha, although Qatari’s special envoy
on counterterrorism Mutlaq Al Qahtani has said this had been
requested by the US government to promote dialogue and hopefully
peace with the government in Kabul. Qatar has also been criticised by
the quartet for hosting senior officials from Palestinian
organisation Hamas, which runs the Gaza Strip. The four governments
also level serious accusations at Qatar that it has helped finance
the Islamic State (ISIS) and Syrian rebel groups, such as the Al
Nusra Front (now rebranded as Jabhat Fateh al-Sham), a jihadist group
likened to Al Qaeda.
In
July (2017), Egyptian intelligence said it had prepared a ‘black
book’ that compiled evidence from the four ATQ allies to be
provided to US, German, French and British intelligence to
substantiate these claims,
noted Jonathan Schanzer,
senior vice president at the Foundation for the Defence of
Democracies (FDD) in Washington DC, and a former terrorism analyst at
the US treasury department. This
was also noted in a report by intelligence sector journal
Intelligence Online released in July. (2). However,
the black book
has not been released. Meanwhile
there has not been any new or fresh information published over the
past five months, according
to Schanzer: “I’ve
seen a bit of what Egypt has. It’s what you’d expect: what we
know. I think Qatar’s record speaks for itself, and the radicals
that live within the country have remained consistent give or take an
expulsion here or there to ease some pressure,” he said. Schanzer
added that the only new evidence from Egypt
that has surfaced concerns Qatar’s support for Islamic extremists
in Libya such
as the
Rafallah al-Sahati Companies, Benghazi Defense Brigades and the
Libyan Islamic Fighting Group.
According
to Karasik, there is a lot more material that can be brought to
light. But there is speculation that because of accusations that ATQ
members, specifically Saudi Arabia and the UAE, are themselves
conduits for terrorist financing, the material has not been
publicised over fears that their dirty laundry would be exposed. “The
response of the Qataris and their supporters will probably feature
more dirt on ATQ members, so this ‘infowar’ is set to escalate,”
said Karasik.
The
stand-off between the ATQ and Qatar has led to a split in the Middle
East, with the ATQ blacklisting
some 30 groups
such as the Qatar
Volunteer Centre, Qatar Charity, Hizbullah Bahrain and Saraya Defend
Benghazi in Libya.
Qatar, fot its part, has
sided with Turkey in supporting the Muslim Brotherhood, the now
outlawed former governing party in Egypt.
“Over
the last two or three years the Quartet has a new commonly found
belief about which groups should or not be supported, and are trying
to draw a line. Qatar has found itself on the other side of that
line,” said Dr David Roberts, a Qatar specialist and lecturer in
the defence studies department of King’s College London.
He
added that Qatar has been lax in cracking down on terrorist financing
over the past decade. “A nagging question is why have they been so
slow? It is not necessarily nefarious, but if you don’t crack down
you open yourself up to criticism.”
For instance, Qatar has not
updated its anti-terrorism
law since 2004. This changed in July 2017, with Qatar amending the
law to include setting clearer rules for defining acts of terrorism, and the freezing of funding and terrorism financing.
Qatar
has responded to the ATQ’s accusations by denying them and refusing
to capitulate to the Quartet’s initial 13-point demands to curb
terrorism, later reduced to six
principles (3).
These
are a commitment to combat extremism and
terrorism in all its forms and to prevent their financing or the
provision of safe havens; prohibiting all acts of incitement and all
forms of expression which spread, incite, promote or justify hatred
and violence; full commitment to the Riyadh Agreement 2013 and the
supplementary agreement and its executive mechanism for 2014 within
the framework of the GCC (3); a commitment to all the outcomes of the
Arab-Islamic-US Summit held in Riyadh in May 2017 (4); to refrain
from interfering in the internal affairs of States and from
supporting illegal entities; and abiding by a responsibility to
confront all forms of extremism and terrorism as a threat to
international peace and security.
The
ATQ has also requested that the UN Security Council issues a new
resolution to impose sanctions on Qatar for being in violation of
Resolutions 1373 and 2133, on countering the financing of terrorism.
The resolution has not been forthcoming, nor have additional measures
the ATQ announced against Qatar for not acting against the
ATQ-blacklisted organisations, such as the Muslim Brotherhood and
Hamas.
In response, Qatar signed a
memorandum of understanding with the US in July to
improve its combating the financing of terrorism (CFT) regime and
work more closely with Washington. “Qatar is playing catch-up to
limit damage. It has been quietly working with the US Treasury for
quite a while, and is now belatedly speaking out about it,” said
Roberts.
According
to Karasik, the US Treasury has sent additional personnel to Doha to
improve its oversight, while Qatar has hired the US-based Financial
Integrity Network (FIN), which is staffed by former senior US
Treasury officials like Daniel Glaser, Juan Zarate and Chip Poncy.
(The state-run Rule of Law and Anti Corruption Centre in Doha, and
FIN did not reply to interview requests on this subject from MLB).
The
Quartet has also bolstered its CFT efforts by
increasing law enforcement efforts to crack down on terrorist
financing, aware of
accusations of hypocrisy for targeting Qatar over terrorist financing
while having their own shortcomings.
“This
US-Qatari move is being done simultaneously from Washington’s
perspective with all the Gulf states because there are citizens who
still support terrorist groups. The ATQ has done a very good job at
shutting down and closing financial flows to such groups. The ATQ
wants Qatar to follow their lead, so the US is desperately working to
bring Qatar in-line,” said Karasik.
The
US, however, has been inconsistent on Qatar. (5)
The State Department has tried to reconcile the opposing camps while
the White House has backed Saudi Arabia, noted Schanzer. As a result,
it is unlikely that the US’s Office of Foreign Assets Control
(OFAC), the Financial Crimes Enforcement Network (FinCEN), or the
OECD’s Financial Action Task Force (FATF) will alter its approach
to Qatar, he added.
“The
lack of consensus within the US government is a de facto greenlight
for the ATQ to continue its blockade. Every day this continues, it
doesn’t necessarily reflect wonderfully on the UAE and Saudi
Arabia, but it certainly does reflect poorly on Qatar, and maintains
the spotlight on them more than anyone else,” said Schanzer.
Footnotes
3)
Indicative of the inconsistent US approach is that in June (2017), US
Ambassador to the United Nations, Nikki Haley said Qatar was funding
Hamas. In October, she stated otherwise. "While the Qatari
government does not fund Hamas, it does allow Hamas political
representatives to be based in Qatar... Qatar has committed to take
action against terrorist financing, including shutting down Hamas
bank accounts," Haley wrote in a memo to the USA House of
Representatives Committee on Foreign Affairs.
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