Petroleum Review
In late January
2012, oil production and exports came to
a halt in South Sudan over
a transit pricing dispute with
its former overlord north Sudan. With
no compromise in
sight, the newly independent African country is
mulling
other transport options. But even if production were to
resume, it will be months – at least – before its oil sector
gets back on its feet, writes Paul Cochrane in Beirut and
Mohammed
Yusuf in Nairobi.
O
il has been a bone of
contention
between northern and southern
Sudan for decades, with
control of the precious
resource a key factor in
the devastating civil war that ended
back
in 2005. Under the peace agreement that followed, oil revenues were
to be split evenly between the historically dominant north and the
south, but
with 75% of the united Sudan’s 500,000
b/d in the
landlocked south – and the
entire pipeline, refining and export
capabilities in the north – the agreement was always precarious.
So, when southern Sudan
held a referendum to form a new country – the
Republic of South
Sudan – in July 2011,
the split in oil revenues ended, and
negotiations got underway to hammer out transit fees and
compensation for
the north for the inevitable loss in oil
income.
However, with no agreement
forthcoming amid border disputes and
heated rhetoric between the governments in the capital of the south,
Juba,
and in Khartoum in the north, analysts
said it was only a
matter of time before
the situation reached a tipping point.
This
came to pass when Khartoum
imposed an initial pipeline usage fee of
$22.80/b at the beginning of the year
(which soon escalated to
$32/b; and then $36/b) while Juba
wanted to pay
the international norm of $1/b or less.
Finally, on 28 January,
at an African
Union summit in Addis Ababa, South
Sudan announced it
would be halting all
oil production and exports.
‘$1/b is a
reasonable rate to transport
a barrel, but $36/b is preposterous.
What
Khartoum didn’t count on was the
South shutting down oil
production. The
question now is will they back down?’
says Eric
Reeves, a Sudan researcher and
analyst at Smith College in the US.
Sudan has been confiscating oil from its
neighbour since December of
last year,
over what it claims to be ‘unpaid transit
fees’,
while Juba is accusing Khartoum
of taking oil worth more than
$815mn
over a two-month period.
South Sudan Oil Minister Stephen
Dhieu Dau told Petroleum Review that
his government had offered
northern
Sudan money to help with budgetary issues, on top of
paying the standard
transportation charges. In the meantime, ‘we
have also been paying for the
operation costs of the pipeline and
the
marine terminal,’ he added. Dau
claimed Khartoum’s actions
showed it
had not really recognised the sovereignty of South Sudan:
‘They are still
looking down to South Sudan as a
national
government, just as they used
to do – utilising and exploiting
the
people and resources of South Sudan to
build the north.’
Dau also noted that the
Khartoum
government has been imposing punitive
and discriminatory
oil movement fees
against South Sudan, which he said was
a penalty
for its secession. A further
issue is that Khartoum is demanding
$15bn in compensation for the loss of its
southern provinces, a bid
which (wholly
unsurprisingly) Juba has opposed. In
talks held under
the auspices of the
African Union and former South African
President Thabo Mbeki, a proposal has
been put forward for $5bn to
be paid to the north over five
years.
‘South Sudan won’t agree to Mbeki’s
latest plan and
there are lots of other
issues, from border demarcation to debt
and
compensation that makes negotiations on oil even harder,’ noted
Marc
Mercer, an East Africa specialist at risk
consultancy Eurasia
Group in London.
‘With the two sides
so polarised, with
different expectations, and operating
on
principle rather than pragmatism, it
is difficult to negotiate. I
don’t hold up
much hope for current talks to lead to a
quick
agreement.’
Uncertain futures
Kathelijne Schenkel, an
official at the
European Coalition on Oil in Sudan
(ECOS) said that
with no deal, she predicts Khartoum retaliating hard on
South Sudan
for the current military
strife in the northern border states of
South Kordofan and Blue Nile, which
the north blames on the
Southern
People’s Liberation Army North (SPLA-N)
group. This
group used to be part of the
military alliance that won
independence
for South Sudan. The boundary
between northern Sudan
and South
Sudan is not fully demarcated, and both
sides have failed
to resolve ongoing
border disputes, with the oil-rich Abyei
area (part of South
Kordofan) being a
particular flashpoint.
‘For the north, Abyei it
is not strategically important and does not carry the
same political
or symbolic value as it
does for the south. This allows the
Sudanese authorities to use the issue as
a bargaining chip in
negotiations, and
this is why the north invaded and took
control of
Abyei last year,’ said Jean-
Baptiste Gallopin, a South Sudan
analyst
at global consultancy firm Control Risks.
‘The referendum to
determine whether
Abyei belongs to the north or the south
is not
likely to take place any time soon,
and the status of the district
is now only
likely to be solved as part of a broader
bilateral
agreement on key issues such
as border delineation and oil,’ he
said.
Schenkel added that these oil disputes, and the risk of
military instability
along the new frontier, have made
international oil companies (IOCs) reluctant to make extra
investments in the
region. The dominant operating companies in both
northern and South Sudan
are currently the China National
Petroleum
Corporation, Malaysia’s
Petronas and India’s Oil and Natural
Gas
Corporation. In theory, western players
could try and grab a
piece of this pie –
especially given that the US lifted its
sanctions on South Sudan’s oil industry
back in December 2011,
which had been
imposed when they were under the
control of the
northern Sudanese.
‘I think facilitating the entry of
western
companies was the objective
behind the US’ decision to lift
sanctions,
but from a practical point of view we’ve
seen little
interest in South Sudan from
large new players so far,’ said
Gallopin. ‘I
think the reasons for that is major uncertainty of
the future of bilateral relations, major uncertainty on oil export
routes in the coming years and the continued lack of a regulatory
environment
for the oil sector in South Sudan. The
government has
yet to pass a petroleum
law that was initially drafted two years
ago, and there is still no clarity on tax
rates and customs rates,
so the environment is very unclear from the point of
view of
investors.’
Juba’s decision to
stop production is
hitting the country hard, as oil accounts
for
98% of government revenues. According to Mercer,
South Sudan has
just three months of hard currency left
and is in
desperate need of cash. Indeed,
Dau admitted he knew the shutdown
would hurt his country but stressed that
this was a necessary
response to Sudan’s
unilateral confiscating of South
Sudanese
crude oil. ‘We choose from
those two [options]: you want us to
allow our crude oil to be produced and
give to Sudan 100%, or we
shut down
and all of us get zero?’
To re-start exports,
Juba has signed
agreements with Kenya and Djibouti for
two
pipelines, but the move is being
seen as unrealistic. ‘I don’t
take the
agreement with Kenya seriously – it was
political
positioning on Juba’s part with
the north,’ said Mercer. ‘It
is unrealistic
for pipelines [to go] through Kenya,
Uganda or
Ethiopia. And the South
Sudanese authorities said it would take
11
months to build; but in the current
political, security and economic
climate
this would be near impossible. Is it even
viable, as oil
production is declining at a
rapid pace, and production fizzling
out
by 2025?’ According to estimates by
ECOS, output will decline
to 200,000 b/d
by 2016 and even further by 2018, to
160,000 b/d.
In the immediate
future, even if there
is an agreement between the two sides
and oil
production starts again, it is
expected to take months for exports
to
re-start, given the composition of the
heavy sweet Nile Blend
crude. ‘Because
the make-up of the oil is very waxy,
there will
be technical issues with the pipeline because it was
shut down,’ said
Mercer. ‘Estimates vary from impossible
to get
up and running to others that
say a lot of work will be required,
even replacing parts of the pipeline – so
this puts oil production
restarting
from anywhere from one to six
months.
Photos by Jihad Samhat
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